Aktuelle Publikationen
Auf dieser Seite finden Sie die chronologisch geordneten Veröffentlichungen unserer Wissenschaftler*innen aus den vergangenen Jahren.
Aktuelle Publikationen (Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaft)
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(2014): Gewerkschaften und Interessenverbände im System der Arbeitsbeziehungen des öffentlichen Dienstes SCHROEDER, Wolfgang, ed.. Handbuch Gewerkschaften in Deutschland. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2014, pp. 309-335. ISBN 978-3-531-19495-0. Available under: doi: 10.1007/978-3-531-19496-7_13
Die Arbeitsbeziehungen im öffentlichen Dienst (im Folgenden ÖD) finden in der fachwissenschaftlichen und öffentlichen Diskussion traditionell kaum Beachtung. Die anhaltende Fixierung auf die „industriellen“ Beziehungen der Privatwirtschaft, vor allem des produzierenden Gewerbes, ist jedoch theoretisch unbegründet und faktisch unberechtigt: Der ÖD weist eine Reihe von rechtlichen und empirischen Besonderheiten auf, die eine Übertragung von Erkenntnissen aus privatwirtschaftlichen Kontexten verbieten. Der Staat befindet sich stets in einer ungewöhnlichen Doppelfunktion: Er ist nicht nur Gesetzgeber, der die rechtlich- institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen vorgibt, sondern zugleich auch (der größte) Arbeitgeber.
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(2014): Differentiated Integration of Core State Powers GENSCHEL, Philipp, ed., Markus JACHTENFUCHS, ed.. Beyond the regulatory polity? : the European integration of core state powers. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014, pp. 189-210. ISBN 978-0-19-966282-1. Available under: doi: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199662821.003.0010
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dc.contributor.author: Rittberger, Berthold; Schimmelfennig, Frank
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(2014): The German federal election, September 2013 Electoral Studies. Elsevier. 2014, 34, pp. 353-356. ISSN 0261-3794. eISSN 1873-6890. Available under: doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2013.12.004
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(2014): Europeanization and the Negotiation of a New Labour Migration Policy in Germany : The Goodness of Fit Approach Revisited Comparative Migration Studies. 2014, 2(4), pp. 469-492. ISSN 2214-8590. eISSN 2214-594X. Available under: doi: 10.5117/CMS2014.4.LAUB
The article focuses on the negotiation of a new labour migration policy in Germany in the years 2011 and 2012, and on the role that actors on both the regional and the European Union levels played in encouraging the introduction of a more open labour migration framework. Up until now, research has highlighted the German use of the European level for introducing more restrictive changes in migration policy. In line with these precedents, during the negotiation of a European policy for admitting highly-skilled migrants, Germany advocated a restrictive framework. However, at the transposition of the EU directive on highly-skilled migrants in national law, the German government used the directive as an opportunity to introduce a paradigm change in labour migration policies, establishing a significantly more open labour migration policy hitherto exclusively associated with Anglo-Saxon countries. The article will analyse the preconditions for this change, assessing the value of the goodness-of-fit approach for understanding processes of Europeanization.
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(2014): Este é um Caminho ou um Atalho? : desemprego e turnout no comportamento eleitoral dos portugueses no sentido da Europa (1987-2014) ROLO, Maria Fernanda, ed. and others. As eleições para o Parlamento Europeu em Portugal. Coimbra: Almedina, 2014, pp. 47-67. ISBN 9789724058665
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(2014): Ein hybrides Regelungsmodell zur strafrechtlichen Bekämpfung von Wirtschaftskorruption? Zur ausstehenden Reform von § 299 StGB Corporate Compliance Zeitschrift : CCZ. 2014, 7(1), pp. 29-34. ISSN 1865-3952
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(2014): Partisan power, economic coordination and variations in vocational training systems in Europe European Journal of Industrial Relations. 2014, 20(1), pp. 55-71. ISSN 0959-6801. eISSN 1461-7129. Available under: doi: 10.1177/0959680113512731
This article explores the variation of vocational education and training systems in European countries. From a survey of experts in 15 European countries, we develop a typology along two dimensions: employer involvement and public commitment. In a second step, we explain the variety of skill formation systems, highlighting the importance of partisan power and economic coordination. The causal argument is applied in three illustrative case studies of Germany, Sweden and the UK. In particular, we argue that a high degree of economic coordination increases the relevance of training relative to academic education. However, differences within the cluster of coordinated market economies are related to different legacies of partisan power in the post-war decades.
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(2014): French Education Politics after PISA and Bologna : Rupture or Continuité ? MARTENS, Kerstin, ed. and others. Internationalization of Education Policy : a new constellation of statehood in education?. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, pp. 115-141. ISBN 978-1-137-40168-7. Available under: doi: 10.1057/9781137401694_5
Around the world, education policy-making has changed significantly over the past ten years. France is no exception in this regard. Its education system has recently embraced new strategies to promote access and equality, while also redefining the relationship between the state and education providers. In the academic literature, there is a consensus that internationalization has substantially contributed to the new modes of governance in higher education, in addition to a major overhaul of existing study structures (Musselin and Paradeise 2009; Dobbins 2012; Dobbins and Martens 2012). France’s lacklustre results in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) increased the already strong problem pressure and provided additional ammunition for reform efforts by the Sarkozy government. References to PISA top performers have justified new education policies which link the goals of the French left (for example, the promotion of equality) and conservatives (for example, pedagogical autonomy) (Robert 2008; Baudelot and Establet 2009; Dobbins and Martens 2012).
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(2014): Social media adoption : toward a representative, responsive or interactive government? Proceedings of the 15th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research : dg.o '14. New York, NY: ACM Press, 2014, pp. 163-170. ISBN 978-1-4503-2901-9. Available under: doi: 10.1145/2612733.2612740
Social media adoption is oftentimes seen as technologically determined by third parties outside of government, with government's role limited to reactively jump on the bandwagon and respond to citizen preferences. However, social media interactions are emergent and challenging existing bureaucratic norms and regulations. This paper provides empirical evidence for the institutionalization stages government agencies' move through when they are adopting new technologies. Adoption occurs at varying degrees of formalization and not all departments in the U.S. executive branch regulate and restrict the use of new technologies in the same way. The internal procedural and organizational changes that occur during the adoption process are extracted using qualitative interviews with social media directors in the 15 departments which received the executive order to "harness new technologies" in order to make the U.S. government more transparent, participatory and collaborative. In addition to the perceptions of federal social media directors, a process tracing approach was used to map the accompanying governance and institutional changes and follow-up orders to direct the adoption of social media. Tracing both the behavior of individual organizations as well as the institutional top-down responses, this paper is both relevant for academics as well as practitioners. It provides the basis for future large-scale research studies across all levels of government, as well as insights into the black box of organizational responses to a top-down political mandate.
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In contrast to common-law countries, in civil-law countries it is difficult to investigate individual judges as political actors. It is mainly due to the legal norm under the civil-law tradition which is averse to disclosing individual judges' behavior. An exception is the German Federal Constitutional Court, permitting their judges to publish dissenting opinions. This paper identifies individual judges' political orientation on an underlying dimension by applying an unfolding-type of item-response model to those dissenting opinions. We find different degrees of congruence between political parties' and judges' political orientation, which we explain by the principal-agent theory. More specifically, we argue that some characteristics of potential judges are crucial for the screening by political parties in the selection process of the judges. Our empirical analysis shows that judges' party membership and former political career promise more screening success by parties, while lifetime appointment decreases congruence of nominating parties and judges.
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(2014): Structure, Capacity or Power? : Explaining Salience in EU Decision-Making Journal of Common Market Studies : JCMS. 2014, 52(3), pp. 616-631. ISSN 0021-9886. eISSN 1468-5965. Available under: doi: 10.1111/jcms.12100
Salience as the intensity of interest is a key explanatory factor of European Union decision-making. In this article, the ability of three explanatory models to explain the realized values of Member States’ salience is hypothesized and tested. On the basis of the DEU II data, the analysis shows that a mixture of national interest group heterogeneity and membership length has the highest predictive power. The results support the liberal intergovernmentalist claim that domestic interests determine European decision-making.
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(2014): Deborah Nolan, Duncan Temple Lang: XML and web technologies for data sciences with R Journal of Statistical Software. 2014, 61(Book Review 1), pp. 1-4. eISSN 1548-7660. Available under: doi: 10.18637/jss.v061.b01
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(2014): Normative Argumente in EU-Vertragsverhandlungen : das bessere Argument als Verhandlungsressource?
Welche Strategien werden in internationalen Verhandlungen von Staaten verwendet und welche Strategien verhelfen tatsächlich zu Verhandlungserfolg? Anknüpfend an die so genannte „arguing-versus-bargaining“ - Debatte im Forschungsfeld der Internationalen Beziehungen wird in diesem Buch mittels einer quantitativen Analyse untersucht, welche Bedeutung das „bessere Argument“ als Verhandlungsressource hat. Dazu wird die Verwendung und Wirkung normativer Argumente in drei EU-Vertragsverhandlungen (Vertrag von Amsterdam, Vertrag von Nizza, Verfassungskonvent) analysiert. Zur Messung des Argumentationsverhaltens wird ein neuartiges Verfahren der automatisierten Textanalyse entwickelt, das erlaubt, Argumentationsmuster in einer Vielzahl von Dokumenten zu identifizieren. Durch die so generierten Daten zeigt diese Arbeit, unter welchen Bedingungen EU-Mitgliedstaaten normative Argumente verwenden und unter welchen Bedingungen Argumente tatsächlich zu Verhandlungserfolg führen.
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Für das Funktionieren und die Akzeptanz unserer repräsentativen Demokratie ist die Transparenz und Wahrnehmbarkeit des Deutschen Bundestages eine zentrale Voraussetzung. Aber nehmen die Bürger in Deutschland den Bundestag als zentralen Ort des demokratischen Diskurses überhaupt wahr? Sind die Debatten- und Frageformate des Bundestages noch zeitgemäß? Diesen Fragen widmet sich die vorliegende Studie.
Ausgangspunkt ist eine Analyse, wie die vorhandenen Debatten- und Frageformate des Deutschen Bundestages heute von den Parlamentariern genutzt und von Bürgern wahrgenommen werden. Dabei zeigt sich: Der Deutsche Bundestag leidet unter einem Wahrnehmungsdefizit seiner Debatten in der Öffentlichkeit. Trotz intensiver Nutzung der bestehenden Verfahren hört oder liest die Bevölkerung von den Debatten des Bundestages immer weniger; nur jeder Vierte kann sich überhaupt an eine Debatte erinnern. Die häufig geringe und weiter abnehmende Wahrnehmung politischer Auseinandersetzungen im Bundestag und seine zentrale Rolle im politischen System unserer repräsentativen Demokratie klaffen zunehmend auseinander. Die Studie macht Reformvorschläge für die Belebung der parlamentarischen Auseinandersetzung und konkretisiert einen Vorschlag zur Reform der Regierungsbefragung. Dieser geht von einer Öffnung der Befragung auch für Bürger aus und hebt thematische Grenzen der auf. Der Vorschlag sieht weiterhin vor, dass Bundeskanzlerin, Vizekanzler und das gesamte Bundeskabinett Rede und Antwort stehen. -
(2014): Sind gemischt-geschlechtliche Führungsteams erfolgreicher? : Der Zusammenhang zwischen Mixed Leadership und Unternehmensperformanz Betriebswirtschaftliche Forschung und Praxis. 2014, 66(6), pp. 602-625. ISSN 0340-5370
Der Anteil von Frauen in Führungsgremien ist gegenwärtig vor allem durch die Diskussion über die Einführung einer gesetzlichen Frauenquote Gegenstand des öffentlichen Interesses. Vor diesem Hintergrund bilanziert der vorliegende Beitrag die bisherigen wissenschaftlichen Befunde zum Zusammenhang zwischen gemischt-geschlechtlichen Führungsteams (sog. "Mixed Leadership") und finanziellem Unternehmenserfolg (z. B. Gesamtkapitalrentabilität, Eigenkapitalrentabilität oder Buch-zu-Markt-Wert). Dabei wird deutlich, dass Mixed Leadership keine eindeutig positiven Effekte auf den finanziellen Erfolg von Unternehmen hat. Vielmehr scheint die Realisierung des Potentials von Mixed Leadership von spezifischen Randbedingungen abhängig zu sein, die auf Grundlage der bestehenden Forschung überblicksartig zusammengefasst werden.
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(2014): Akteurkonstellationen und Netzwerke in der Politikentwicklung SCHUBER, Klaus, ed. and others. Lehrbuch der Politikfeldanalyse. 3., aktualisierte und überarb. Aufl.. München [u.a.]: De Gruyter, 2014, pp. 259-287. ISBN 978-3-486-72510-0. Available under: doi: 10.1515/9783110408072.259
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(2014): Beschäftigungsverhältnisse im Wandel : zur Quantität und Qualität atypischer Formen der Beschäftigung KERSTIN POHL, , ed.. Moderne Zeiten: Arbeitswelt heute. Schwalbach am Taunus: Wochenschau-Verl., 2014, pp. 9-27. Politische Bildung <Schwalbach, Taunus>. 47,2. ISBN 978-3-89974-959-5
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dc.contributor.author: Seifert, Hartmut
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(2014): Die Rolle des Internets in den Kampagnen der Parteien zur Bundestagswahl 2013 BECKEDAHL, Markus, ed.. Jahrbuch Netzpolitik 2013. Berlin: newthinking communications, 2014, pp. 34-40. ISBN 978-3-944622-03-3
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(2014): A New Internationalization Trend? : The PISA Study, the Bologna Process, and U.S. Education Policy MARTENS, Kerstin, ed. and others. Internationalization of Education Policy : a new constellation of statehood in education?. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, pp. 202-223. ISBN 978-1-137-40168-7. Available under: doi: 10.1057/9781137401694_9
In this chapter, we analyse the United States’ (11,8,) reactions to international initiatives in education policy. While the country has participated in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) study since its beginning in 2000, the U.S. does not participate in the European Bologna initiative due to its geographical distance. However, the U.S. has assumed observer status in this process since 2005. Overall, the PISA Study and Bologna Process have not triggered any far-reaching reforms in the U.S. In fact, many political actors have only recently noticed these international initiatives. Key policy elements such as output orientation, evidence-based policy-making, an economic understanding of education, and quality assurance were already widespread in the American education system. Hence, the U.S. has shown limited tangible response to PISA, although it continuously has ranked below average. Only recently have policy-makers and stakeholders started to incorporate PISA findings into their decision-making processes. Conversely, Bologna has become a more prominently discussed topic in the higher education policy community mainly for reasons of compatibility with the new European systems. Along these lines, the scattered introduction of European-style, three-year bachelor’s programmes at individual U.S. universities provide evidence of the increasing indirect influence of Bologna.
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(2014): The external-domestic interplay in democracy promotion : a case study on public administration reform in Croatia Democratization. 2014, 21(5), pp. 912-936. ISSN 1351-0347. eISSN 1743-890X. Available under: doi: 10.1080/13510347.2013.771257
In this contribution we conceptualize the under-investigated interplay between external and domestic actors in democracy promotion. We first propose a typology of the instruments and means used both by external and domestic actors to influence reform outputs and then trace these instruments’ effects on outcomes, thereby expanding the existing concepts of domestic agency. Although democracy promotion continues to be a rather asymmetric relationship between the “donors” and “receivers” of aid and advice, domestic actors employ a wide array of instruments to manage external demands for reform, including diplomacy, take-over, slowdown, modification, resistance, and emancipation. The article draws on a case study of European Union democracy promotion within two reform initiatives in the field of Public Administration Reform (PAR) in Croatia