Aktuelle Publikationen

There is mixed support for the glass cliff hypothesis that firms will more likely appoint female candidates into top management positions when in crisis. We trace the inconsistent findings back to an underdeveloped theoretical link and deficient identification strategies. Using signaling theory, we suggest that crisis firms appoint female top managers to signal change to the market and argue that the effect is context-dependent. In a field study of 26,156 executive appointments in U.S. firms between 2000 and 2016, we exploit a regression discontinuity to test for the causal impact of firm crisis status on the likelihood of female top management appointments and for moderators of the effect. We find that crisis status leads to a significant increase in female top management appointments and that crisis (vs. noncrisis) firms are more likely to frame female appointments as change-related in press releases. Importantly, the presence of the glass cliff effect hinges on attributes of the signaler (absence of another female executive), signal (appointment type), and receiver (investor attention). The findings robustly evidence the glass cliff and our theoretical extensions.

The current public backlash against several trade agreements has triggered a vivid discourse about the impact of top-down communication of such initiatives on public opinion. Findings from previous work on the impact of issue frames provide distinct expectations about the influence of different types of messages on people’s opinion. However, little is known about the mechanisms underlying the impact of message cues on opinion formation. In this article, we shed light on one potential mechanism that mediates issue framing effects: individuals’ emotional reaction. By means of a survey-embedded experiment conducted in the United States and Germany, we expose respondents to different frames about the benefits and risks of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The results show that frames have a significant effect on public opinion, but frames that emphasize losses seem more persuasive than frames promoting the gains from the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Complementing our empirical investigation, with a causal mediation analysis we find that framing effects are indeed mediated by people’s emotional responses to the frames.

To what extent do ministries dominate a particular policy domain? The policy dictator model and manyprinciple-agent models of governmental control that followed suit assume that governments create ministries withclear and exclusive policy responsibilities. We test this assertion using data from parliamentary bills from Denmark,Germany, and the Netherlands. For each bill, we observe its substantial policy content and the responsible ministry.The data show that bills on similar issues regularly are drafted by different ministries in parliamentary democracies.About 40 per cent of policy issues cannot be ascribed to one dominant ministry. The regularities elucidate thatministerial division of labour within governments is considerably more complex than commonly assumed. Thevariegated level of ministerial dominance across policy domains calls for a new research agenda on how governmentsassign responsibility for legislative action in parliamentary democracies.

Despite intense public and policy debates about the termination (and re-instatement) of sanctions in cases such as Iran, Cuba and Russia, research has hitherto focused on sanctions imposition and effectiveness, directing little attention towards their removal. Existing work has been constrained by a lack of adequate data. In response, we introduce a novel dataset that contains information on the termination of all EU, UN, US and regional sanctions between 1990 and 2018. In contrast to previous datasets, which rely on media reports, the International Sanctions Termination (IST) dataset systematically codes official governmental and intergovernmental documents. It contains information on the design of sanctions – including expiry dates, review provisions and termination requirements – and captures the gradual process of adapting and ending sanctions. The article describes the data collection process, considers IST’s complementarity to and compatibility with existing datasets, and discusses the newly captured variables, exploring how they affect the termination of sanctions. The results indicate that changes in the sender’s goals and investments in monitoring devices lead to significantly longer sanctions spells. By contrast, clearly stipulated termination requirements decrease the expected duration of sanctions.

Rising international migration, paired with increasing public support for far-right political parties, poses a growing challenge to the countries tasked with successfully integrating immigrants into their society. Further complicating this matter is the fact that the acculturation process which immigrants undergo to fully integrate into their host society can be long, difficult, and taxing to their mental health, physical health, and sense of belonging. A better understanding of how the unique burdens faced by immigrants might be alleviated or more easily processed is therefore vital for the success of both immigrants and their host countries. Drawing on initial findings suggesting that classic psychedelics can help individuals process incidents of discrimination, make healthier decisions, and experience deeper feelings of connectedness to others, this literature review presents a roadmap for determining what classic psychedelics may offer immigrants, a large and rapidly growing international minority group.

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Aktuelle Forschung verbindet populistische Einstellungen von BürgerInnen mit ökonomischen Sorgen, Gefühlen fehlender Anerkennung oder politischer Unzufriedenheit. Dieser Artikel untersucht, welche konkreten wirtschafts- und sozialpolitischen Einstellungen BürgerInnen mit Populismus verknüpfen. Argumentiert wird, dass die Bewertung konflikthafter vertikaler gesellschaftlicher Relationen die Zusammenhänge strukturiert: Als ökonomische Oben-Unten-Relationen werden das Verhältnis von Staat zu WirtschaftsakteurInnen und von ressourcenreich zu ressourcenarm begriffen. Populismus definiert sich über die politische Oben-Unten-Relation zwischen Elite und Volk. Wird das „Oben“ jeweils als Problem bewertet, kann diese vertikale Konfliktachse beide Einstellungsdimensionen verbinden. Regressionsanalysen auf Basis der ALLBUS 2018 zeigen, wie erwartet, dass die Ablehnung staatlicher Eingriffe in die Wirtschaft, aber auch die Befürwortung von Umverteilung und eine Skepsis im Bereich Außenwirtschaft mit populistischen Einstellungen verbunden sind. Wahrnehmungen ökonomischer Missstände beeinflussen die Stärke der Zusammenhänge kaum statistisch signifikant. Parteipräferenzen schwächen nur die Assoziationen bezüglich der Außenwirtschaft ab. Mit der Bewertung konflikthafter Oben-Unten-Relationen bietet der Artikel eine Erklärung für die ideologisch inkonsistenten Zusammenhänge an. Um deren Mobilisierung nicht rechtspopulistischen Parteien zu überlassen, sollten auch andere Parteien die vertikalen Konflikte adressieren, ohne dabei Grundpfeiler der westlichen Demokratie zu gefährden.

We argue that support for redistribution increases when one experiences “positional deprivation,” situations when one’s own income increases slower or decreases faster compared to that of others. This specific combination of economic suffering over-time and relative to others has effects beyond well-studied measures of suffering that are static and/or absolute in nature, such as income level. We empirically explore this hypothesis by using “objective-material” measures of positional deprivation derived from the Luxembourg Income Studies and the European Social Survey, and by using “subjective” measures derived from an original survey in 13 European countries. We find that those whose income growth is outpaced by the average and/or richest members of their country are more likely to support redistribution. We also find that the objective and subjective measures of positional deprivation are significantly correlated, and that positional deprivation’s fostering of support for redistribution holds above-and-beyond static and/or absolute measures of economic experience.

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dc.contributor.author: Krimmer, Robert

How does technological change affect social policy preferences across different institutional contexts? In this paper, we argue that individuals who perceive high levels of technology-related employment risks prefer passive policies like unemployment benefits over active measures like retraining in order to satisfy the need for immediate compensation in the case of job loss. At the same time, general support for passive (active) policy solutions to technological change should be significantly lower (higher) in countries where generous compensation schemes already exist. As the perception of technology-related employment risks increases, however, we expect that social policy preferences among high-risk individuals should converge across different welfare state contexts. We use novel data from a diverse set of 24 OECD countries that specifically measure preferred social policy solutions to technological change in a constrained choice scenario. Applying statistical methods that explicitly model the trade-off faced by individuals, we find evidence in line with our theoretical expectations.

Intergovernmental deliberations in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) are typically considered the realm of sovereign nation states. We challenge this position by studying the role of the UN Secretariat in UNSC debates, focusing on the debates on Afghanistan (1995–2017). We combine natural language processing with a network theoretical perspective to observe speaker position, topic introduction, and topic evolution and we complement this analysis with an illustrative case study. The quantitative analysis shows that UN officials take an overall impartial position but that they do, at times, introduce and promote their own topics putting them in the position to shape the debate. The qualitative case study selects one ‘bureaucratic topic’ to confirm bureaucratic agency. Combined, our methods allow to study the role of speakers in a debate and show that the UN bureaucracy acted as an autonomous speechmaker even in a venue were bureaucratic agency seems unlikely – the UNSC.

This article familiarizes readers with the international research project ‘The Missing Link: Exploring Organized Interests in Post-Communist Policy-Making’ (OrgIntCEE). The project team has focused on how populations of organized interests in the region have evolved, how they interact with state institutions as well as the group-specific characteristics driving access to policy-makers. The project also explores how Europeanization has affected post-communist interest groups as well as other factors contributing to their “coming-of-age.” We provide a comprehensive overview of the population ecology and survey datasets, while shedding light on the challenges during the data collection process. After a short overview of the project context and structure, we present some country-specific aggregated data on organizational densities and their political activity. We also reflect on potential uses for the data, before wrapping up the article with a self-critical assessment of what could have been done differently as a roadmap for future research.