Aktuelle Publikationen

Despite many claims by high-ranking policymakers and some scientists that climate change breeds violent conflict, the existing empirical literature has so far not been able to identify a systematic, causal relationship of this kind. This may either reflect de facto absence of such a relationship, or it may be the consequence of theoretical and methodological limitations of existing work. In this article we revisit the climate–conflict hypothesis along two lines. First, we concentrate on indirect effects of climatic conditions on conflict, whereas most of the existing literature focuses on direct effects. Specifically, we examine the causal pathway linking climatic conditions to economic growth and to armed conflict, and argue that the growth–conflict part of this pathway is contingent on the political system. Second, we employ a measure of climatic variability that has advantages over those used in the existing literature because it can presumably take into account the adaptation of production to persistent climatic changes. For the empirical analysis we use a global dataset for 1980–2004 and design the testing strategy tightly in line with our theory. Our empirical analysis does not produce evidence for the claim that climate variability affects economic growth. However, we find some, albeit weak, support for the hypothesis that non-democratic countries are more likely to experience civil conflict when economic conditions deteriorate.

Purpose – Research testing a complex process model, incorporating moderating and mediating mechanisms associated with virtual team (VT) performance, remains rare. This paper aims to introduce trust climate as a crucial boundary condition for high performance in VTs. It also aims to propose a moderated-indirect model such that the relationship between team goals and task performance is mediated by task cohesion and the relationship between team goals and task cohesion is moderated by trust.

Design/methodology/approach – Hypotheses are tested using a longitudinal design with a sample of 50 teams.

Findings – The proposed moderated-indirect model is confirmed. The model explains the indirect relationship between team goal setting and performance transmitted through task cohesion, which is dependent on the level of trust climate.

Research limitations/implications – Although hypotheses were tested in a longitudinal setting, common source bias might be a potential problem for some of the observed relationships. Future research could build on this model for further investigations on more complex theoretical models for VT performance.

Practical implications – This research suggests that managers should emphasize the development of team trust at early stages of collaboration in a VT to reach high performance outcomes.

Societal implications – For VTs, trustful working environments should become even more important in the future, supporting team members' satisfaction in working in VTs.

Originality/value – Through this study, a complex process model for VTs was developed and trust climate established as a prominent context factor for VT success.

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dc.contributor.author: Gebert, Diether

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Budget dynamics may sound as a contradiction in terms to scholars familiar with Wildavsky and colleagues' seminal work on public budgeting (Wildavsky 1964). As stated by Davis, Dempster, and Wildavsky (1966, 529): “This year’s budget is based on last year’s budget, with special attention given to a narrow range of increases or decreases.” For some years this simple model was considered something of an empirical law of public budgets. However, already in the 1970s several scholars started to question the empirical validity of Wildavsky’s claim. John F. Padgett (1980) argued that the linear assumptions in normal regression statistics were too resistant to non-linear variation in data. In addition to this methodological criticism, rigorous theoretical criticism has claimed that the concept of incrementalism has never been clearly defined (Dempster and Wildavsky 1979; Berry 1990). But perhaps the most serious problem is that the incrementalism description of stable public budgets simply does not seem to find support in empirical observations. Most studies find periods of stability, but they also find significant and large changes that cannot be accounted for using the incremental Approach (Natchez and Bupp 1973). Although the reputation of incrementalism as a very static model of public budgeting may be a little unfair, the approach is definitely not well suited to account for large changes in public spending. Nevertheless, alternative explanations of this pattern of both stability and changes have been few, and for many years, as True (2000, 4) puts it: “we have been left with incrementalism by default.” In the past decade, however, the interest in stability and change in public budgeting has been revitalized and in this article we Highlight some of the main findings and insights of this research agenda.

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In 2005, the European Parliament rejected the directive ‘on the patentability of computer-implemented inventions’, which had been drafted and supported by the European Commission, the Council and well-organised industrial interests, with an overwhelming majority. In this unusual case, a coalition of opponents of software patents prevailed over a strong industry-led coalition. In this article, an explanation is developed based on political discourse showing that two stable and distinct discourse coalitions can be identified and measured over time. The apparently weak coalition of software patent opponents shows typical properties of a hegemonic discourse coalition. It presents itself as being more coherent, employs a better-integrated set of frames and dominates key economic arguments, while the proponents of software patents are not as well-organised. This configuration of the discourse gave leeway for an alternative course of political action by the European Parliament. The notion of discourse coalitions and related structural features of the discourse are operationalised by drawing on social network analysis. More specifically, discourse network analysis is introduced as a new methodology for the study of policy debates. The approach is capable of measuring empirical discourses both statically and in a longitudinal way, and is compatible with the policy network approach.

Die Volksabstimmung über Stuttgart 21 hat der Diskussion über direktdemokratische Entscheidungsprozesse erneuten Auftrieb gegeben. Matthias Fatke und Markus Freitag nehmen die Volksabstimmung über Stuttgart 21 vom 27. November 2011 zum Anlass, die Grundzüge der direktdemokratischen Beteiligung, deren Vor- und Nachteile sowie die institutionelle Ausgestaltung der direkten Demokratie in Baden-Württemberg im Besonderen zu erörtern. Eingangs wird das Konzept der direkten Demokratie definitorisch abgrenzt und in der aktuellen Diskussion des Für und Wider verortet. Im zweiten Teil werden die Hintergründe, der Verlauf und das Ergebnis der Volksabstimmung über Stuttgart 21 erörtert. Des Weiteren werden die unterschiedlich hohen Beteiligungsraten am Volksentscheid und die je in Frage kommenden Motivationen der Beteiligung bzw. Nicht-Beteiligung erklärt und abschließend kommentiert.

Bürgerkriege sind bisher nur selten ein Gegenstand interdisziplinärer geistes- oder kulturwissenschaftlicher Forschung gewesen. In diesem Beitrag möchten wir aufzeigen, dass die Stärke einer kulturwissenschaftlichen Perspektive in einer präziseren Erfassung der vielschichtigen Zustände zwischen innergesellschaftlichem Krieg und Frieden besteht. Eine Zusammenschau von Erkenntnissen aus verschiedenen geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Disziplinen trägt zum besseren Verständnis sozialer Prozesse im Bürgerkrieg bei, da sie facettenreichere Einsichten in Mechanismen gesellschaftlicher Integration und Desintegration, die Rolle der Medien im Vorfeld, während und nach einem Konflikt sowie den Umgang von Postkonflikt-Gesellschaften mit der gewaltsamen Vergangenheit ermöglicht. Im Anschluss an die Einleitung gibt der zweite Teil des Aufsatzes einen Überblick über den aktuellen Stand der vornehmlich sozialwissenschaftlichen Bürgerkriegsforschung. Daraus leiten wir im dritten Teil den Nutzen einer kulturwissenschaftlichen Sicht ab. Der vierte Teil untersucht exemplarisch anhand der Facetten des Erlebens, Darstellens und Bewältigens die Funktion von Narrativen in Bürgerkriegen.