Aktuelle Publikationen
Auf dieser Seite finden Sie die chronologisch geordneten Veröffentlichungen unserer Wissenschaftler*innen aus den vergangenen Jahren.
Aktuelle Publikationen (Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaft)
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Analyses of developments in the organizational properties of sectoral trade associations that tries to assess whether changes in these properties are triggered off by the processes of political and economic internationalization and as well as technological changes and changes within society. Internationalization, in this view, has direct consequences on domestic institutions, which are, in turn, supposed to influence trade associations. The institutional setting will be discussed to allow predictions on the internal structure of Business Associations and furthermore on the external relations to other Associations. The latter, by examine the associations information linkages to none-associations Ministries and Committees.
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(2003): Verfolgungsnetzwerke : Arbeitsteilung und Machtdifferenzierung in den Verfolgungsapparaten des Holocaust Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie : KZfSS. 2003, 55(2), pp. 197-230. ISSN 0023-2653. eISSN 1861-891X
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dc.contributor.author: Raab, Jörg
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dc.contributor.author: Gebhardt, Beate; Weber, Christoph; Hugger, Christine; Farsang, Andrea; Scherhorn, Gerhard
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Impartiality, one of the guiding principles of humanitarianism, demands that the only criterion in setting priorities for humanitarian assistance be the needs of the persons affected by a humanitarian emergency. For the principle of impartiality to be met, humanitarian assistance would have to be allocated proportional to the needs of those affected, as well as it would have to follow the principle of non-discrimination. However, it is largely suspected that the donors pursuit of political and economic interests leads to a disproportional and discriminating allocation of humanitarian assistance. This study analyses whether the overall assistance to populations affected by natural disasters is proportional to need, as well as which factors determine the donors funding decisions. In order to assess the causal relationship between funding in the aftermath of a natural disaster and donors interests, this study suggests a political economic model of humanitarian assistance. It relates the aggregate financing outcome to the individual donor government s decision on the amount of contribution it is willing to make to a specific relief operation. The model starts from the basic assumption that donor governments seek to maximise their domestic political support by enhancing the constituents utility. It then hypothesises the constituents political, economic and strategic interests. Subsequently, the model s explanatory power is tested empirically. Although the donors pursuit of political and economic interests is frequently blamed for the perceived disproportional allocation of humanitarian assistance, prior research on donor motivations has largely focused on the determinants of development assistance. Only recently, some studies have assessed donor behaviour in humanitarian financing (Smillie and Minear, 2003a; Randel and German, 2003a; Darcy and Hofmann, 2003). Existing research has repeatedly regretted the lack of consistent data on the basis of which donor contributions could be assessed relative to recipients needs. This may partly be due to the fact that the focus of existing research has been on global humanitarian assistance, which includes humanitarian aid flows to populations affected by complex emergencies, as well as contributions to disaster relief operations.
Restricting the scope of analysis to relief operations in the wake of natural disasters, however, the problem of lacking data was solved by the construction of a new dataset including humanitarian financing data, data on the severity of disasters, as well as political and economic indicators for donor and recipient countries. As to my knowledge, this study is therefore the first to pursue an inductive analysis of donor behaviour and proportionality to need in financing of disaster relief. The empirical analysis is divided into two parts. The first set of analyses on the overall contribution s proportionality to need includes all reported contributions by bilateral, multilateral as well as private donors to those affected by a natural disaster between 1992 and 2002. For the second set of analyses on individual donors behaviour in disaster relief, I choose the top ten bilateral donors being a member of the OECD. The universe of recipients is limited to recipients not being a member of the OECD. The subsequent Chapter II first discusses the relevant literature and identifies the contribution this study aims at making. In Chapter III, I specify the underlying assumptions for the political economic model of humanitarian assistance and then deduct the hypotheses. Subsequently, the intermediate causal relationships of the model, which in the logic of methodological individualism explain the transitions from macro- to micro-level and reverse, are formulated. Chapter IV will first give the reasons for the selection of cases for analysis and operationalise the variables prior to empirical analysis. Then, the proportionality of total assistance to need, as well as individual donor behaviour will be assessed by means of descriptive as well as inductive analysis. Chapter V concludes with the most prominent results of the analysis. -
Waves of union mergers took place in Australia in the early 1990s, and in Germany major restructuring is underway today. The countries are dissimilar cases regarding their industrial relations systems and trade union structure. However, similar environmental pressures induced the mergers and similar internal political processes determined their course. The analysis is exploratory and uses key concepts of two organisation theories to gain an understanding of the merger processes:
An ecological theory of organisations is used to explain the occurrence of mergers as a minimal adaptation of unions to environmental changes transformational shields and inertial tendencies inhibit change, and when it does take place, it pertains only to peripheral, or structural, features of the organisation, rather than questioning its purpose and activities.
A political theory of power in organisations unravels the struggles that take place at various levels in the course of merger negotiations between groups within a union, between possible merger partners, between merger partners and other unions, between peak associations and affiliates, and between the government, political parties and the trade union movement. Interest groups and coalitions bargain over merger terms. Influence and leadership, as well as dependence relationships and commitment processes play an important role.
A synthesis of the theories is found in the need to control resources in order to survive: Mergers occur because unions are losing control of resources vis-à-vis the other actors in the industrial relations arena; their course is determined by the struggle for resource control among the interest groups within the union movement.
Not all mergers are successful. It is uncertain whether negotiated structures can be retained in their intended form, whether goals formulated prior to the merger are achieved, and whether merged unions have a greater capacity to engage in new activities.
The thesis concludes with an overview of merger activity in other countries and of structural alternatives available to unions seeking organisational reform. -
(2003): Die Funktionen von Ethik-Maßnahmen : zu Vertrauen und Kontrolle zwischen Prinzipalen und Agenten GRANDE, Edgar, ed., Arthur BENZ, ed., Rainer PRÄTORIUS, ed.. Politische Steuerung und neue Staatlichkeit. Band 8. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2003, pp. 59-81. 8. ISBN 3-8329-0439-5
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(2003): Faire Formeln : psychologische und prozedurale Einflussfaktoren auf die Lösungvon distributiven Konflikten Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie. 2003, 55(1), pp. 55-78. Available under: doi: 10.1007/s11577-003-0003-y
Zusammenfassung: Die Literatur zur fairen Teilung hat in den letzten Jahren eine Renaissance erfahren. Eine zentrale Rolle spielten dabei einige neuere mathematische Prozeduren, die bei Verhandlungen über schwer teilbare Güter sozial effiziente, neidfreie Lösungen versprechen. In diesem Artikel präsentieren wir eine vergleichende experimentelle Evaluation dreier Verfahren. Wir untersuchen besonders, inwiefern individualpsychologische Faktoren oder Besonderheiten der verschiedenen Verfahren die Wahl der Prozedur zur Güterteilung sowie daran anschließend das Verhandlungsergebnis beeinflussen. Unsere Analyse des Verhaltens von 119 Probanden zeigt, dass psychologische Faktoren nur bei der Verfahrenswahl entscheidend sind. So entscheiden sich Individuen mit tendenziell dominanter Einstellung für jene Verfahren, die nach Auffassung von Verhandlungstheoretikern eher eine faire Lösung versprechen als relativ grobe Lösungsmuster wie Du teilst ich wähle . Im Gegensatz dazu ist das Verfahrensergebnis praktisch ausschließlich von Verfahrensattributen bestimmt. Der große Einfluss von psychologischen Variablen zu Beginn des Verhandlungsprozesses wirft Schatten auf die Praktikabilität der von der normativen Spieltheorie empfohlenen Verfahren. Bei der Entwicklung fairer Formeln zur Lösung distributiver Konflikte ist nicht zu vernachlässigen, dass ein propagiertes Mediationsverfahren den Streitpartien zusagen muss.
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(2003): Die "Friedensdividende" der Globalisierung : außenwirtschaftliche Öffnung und innenpolitische Stabilität in den Entwicklungsländern Politische Vierteljahresschrift. 2003, 44(3), pp. 1-23. Available under: doi: 10.1007/s11615-003-0066-4
One of the disputed consequences of global economic integration is the possible effect that foreign economic liberalization exerts on social cohesion. Proponents of commercial liberalism expect a stabilization, while globalization critics are much more sceptical. They assume at least for the short run destabilizing effects. We examine in this paper the contradictory claims for the developing world. The rush to free trade , to use Rodrik´s famous metaphor, has been particularly pronounced in this group of countries. Our results refute based on different indicators the fear that growing economic interdependence undermines the all to often fragile developing countries. The positive effect of economic openness is, however, only limited.
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(2003): Belastung und Beanspruchung von Selbstständigen und Angestellten : ein empirischer Vergleich akademischer Berufe Schriften der Wissenschaftlichen Hochschule Lahr. 2003, 3
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dc.contributor.author: Gebert, Diether; Lanwehr, Ralf; Ulrich, Joachim G.
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Die regionalen Außenbeziehungen von Hessen, Saarland, Elsass, Korsika, Haute-Normandie, Auvergne, Québec und Ontario
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(2003): Common goods, Matrix Games and Institutional Solutions European Journal of International Relations. 2003, 9(2), pp. 173-212. ISSN 0000-0000. Available under: doi: 10.1177/1354066103009002002
The provision of common goods poses collective action problems, which may imply that the actors do not provide the good on a voluntary basis. The collective action problem associated with common goods has traditionally been identified as the prisoner's dilemma. However, the analysis of common goods needs to look more closely at the characteristics of the goods and of the social context of their provision. Different characteristics lead to different collective action problems and thus require different institutional responses. If the strategic constellations in common good provision are represented as matrix games, clear implications for institutional responses to certain collective action problems are revealed. This approach will be demonstrated for the case of regulatory competition for environmental standards. A number of factors which characterize the situation are varied — the heterogeneity of preferences for environmental regulation of the countries concerned; the heterogeneity of their market shares; the type of standards used; and the prevailing trade regime. Different combinations of these conditions lead to different collective action problems and, thus, to different outcomes of regulatory competition. In some cases a `race to the top' of environmental regulation can be expected; in other cases a `race to the bottom' will occur; finally, there are cases where no convergence of regulation will take place at all.
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(2003): Government Status and Legislative Behavior : Partisan Veto Players in Australia, Denmark, Finland and Germany MPIfG Working Paper
In parliamentary systems, parties compete for votes and offices in the electoral arena but in many systems they also cooperate in the legislative arena. This paper examines the question of whether the government status of parties affects their legislative behaviour and, hence, policy outcomes. We develop a simple veto player model that includes parties positional goals (vote, office, etc.) to formalize the notion of accommodating legislative behaviour. The model predicts that government parties are most accommodating while opposition parties are least accommodating. The hypothesis is then tested by comparing two pairs of most similar political systems: Danish and Finnish coalition governments, as well as German and Australian bicameralism. The case studies support the main hypothesis that government status systematically affects parties level of accommodation. We conclude that this has important implications for the two major approaches in comparative institutional analysis advanced by Lijphart (1999) and Tsebelis (2002). Whilst Lijphart s distinction between joint and divided responsibility cannot provide a consistent theoretical rationale of his twodimensional map of democracies, Tsebelis conception of purely policy seeking actors may be insufficient to adequately identify veto players in comparative research.
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(2002): Die politisierte Sozialstruktur als mittelfristig stabile Basis einer deutschen Normalwahl Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie (KZfSS). 2002, 54(3), pp. 444-475. ISSN 0023-2653. eISSN 1861-891X. Available under: doi: 10.1007/s11577-002-0070-5
Eine Normalwahl ist ein hypothetisches Wahlergebnis, das sich einstellen würde, wenn sich nur die lang-oder mittelfristige Voreinstellung der Wähler zu den Parteien auf das Wahlergebnis auswirken würde. Von den Kurzfrist-Einflüssen wie besonders attraktiven Kandidaten oder aktuellen Sachfragen soll abstrahiert werden. Als Messmodell für deutsche Bundestagswahlen wird die durchschnittliche Wahlabsicht von Bevölkerungsgruppen vorgeschlagen, die Teil der deutschen politisierten Sozialstruktur sind, d.h. von Gruppen wie den Katholiken oder katholischen Kirchgängern oder von Arbeitnehmern und Gewerkschaftsmitgliedern, die ein dauerhaftes Bündnis mit einer politischen Partei eingegangen sind. Dieses Messmodell wird mit dem ursprünglich für die USA entwickelten Modell verglichen, wonach der Langfristfaktor durch die Parteiidentifikation erfasst wird. Anwendungsbeispiel sind alle Bundestagswahlen der Ära Kohl, für die jeweils die unmittelbar vorher erhobenen Politbarometer der Forschungsgruppe Wahlen, Mannheim, als Datenbasis dienen. Die aus der politisierten Sozialstruktur folgenden Wahlabsichten werden als mittelfristig stabile Basis einer deutschen Normalwahl nachgewiesen, sodass Normalwahlergebnisse von 1983 bis 1998 berechnet werden können.
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(2002): Nichts genaues weiss man nicht!? : Über die Perzeption von Wahlprogrammen in der Öffentlichkeit Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie (KZfSS). Springer. 2002, 54(2), pp. 264-280. ISSN 0023-2653. eISSN 1861-891X. Available under: doi: 10.1007/s11577-002-0039-4
Was wissen die Wähler über Wahlprogramme und wie perzipieren sie die Programminhalte der von ihnen zu wählenden Parteien? Welche Rolle spielen Wahlprogramme bei der individuellen Wahlentscheidung? Trotz der zahllosen Untersuchungen über Parteien klafft bei der Beantwortung dieser Fragen bislang eine Lücke. Falls die politischen Parteien mit den Wahlprogrammen die Hoffnung verbinden, politische Einstellungen bzw. das Wahlverhalten beeinflussen zu können, müssten sie zumindest von der Prämisse ausgehen, dass die Bürger Wahlprogramme lesen oder zumindest deren (zentrale) Inhalte perzipieren und damit kennen. Ob und wie dies geschieht, ist jedoch weitgehend unklar. Der Beitrag zeigt anhand von bereits publizierten und eigenen Analysen, dass die Wähler relativ wenig über die Inhalte von Wahlprogrammen wissen. Gleichwohl genießen sie bei den Wählern einen höheren Stellenwert, als viele in der Politik (wissenschaft) vermuten. Zudem wird deutlich, dass Wahlprogramme und deren Inhalte eine Rolle bei der Wahlentscheidung spielen. Allerdings kann man — auf Grund der schlechten Datenlage — noch nicht von empirischen Belegen sprechen.
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(2002): Vom Auto zum Autobus : Der Umzug als Einstieg zum Umstieg GAIA : Ecological Perspectives for Science and Society. oekom verlag. 2002, 11(2), pp. 134-138. ISSN 0940-5550. eISSN 2625-5413. Available under: doi: 10.14512/gaia.11.2.11
Mobility behaviour appears to be a rather stable factor of individual behaviour. However, our hypothesis is routine patterns of behaviour are prone to be restructured after moving to a new city. After moving, people have to decide which means of transportation to use for different purposes (e.g. work, Shopping or leisure trips). In an experimental study consisting of a panel survey of persons who moved to the region of Stuttgart, we empirically evaluated the behavioural effectiveness of the "soft-policy" measures, "info-package" and "free ticket". The evaluation showed these measures had a significant impact on the means of transportation chosen, even in the longer run. Obviously this intervention can be helpful to promote sustainable mobility behaviour.
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(2002): The augmented Solow model and the African growth debate Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics. 2002, 64(2), pp. 135-158. ISSN 0305-9049. eISSN 1468-0084. Available under: doi: 10.1111/1468-0084.00016
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(2002): Path Dependencies in European Integration : a Constructive Response to German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer Public Administration. 2002, 80(1), pp. 125-152. ISSN 0033-3298. eISSN 1467-9299. Available under: doi: 10.1111/1467-9299.00297
There is no doubt about the political necessity of the Eastern enlargement of the Euro-pean Union and corresponding reforms of its political institutions. By contrast, the shape and content of these reforms are highly contested between the member states. In this context, the German Foreign Minister, Joschka Fischer, has presented his visions of future development for Europe which were refreshingly welcome. However, Fischer's ideas imply, in many respects, a turning away from hitherto accepted paths to European integration. The main claim we want to make in this paper is that, against the backdrop of this breech with the present European-level institutional system, the chance that the Fischer initiatives could come to political fruition must be viewed with skepticism. On the basis of this finding, which rests essentially upon a historical-institutionalist analy-sis, we develop an alternative concept for a European constitution.
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Die vorliegende Arbeit basiert auf Annahmen zweier Zweige der Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaft (Bundesstaatsforschung, Transformationsforschung). Diese hielten es aufgrund der tiefgreifenden wirtschaftlichen Probleme Ostdeutschlands, der Eigenheiten und Eigendynamiken des Institutionentransfers sowie der ökonomischen Umgestaltung nach der deutschen Wiedervereinigung für wahrscheinlich, daß es zu einer zunehmenden Zentralisierung im Bund-Länder-Gefüge mit Auswirkungen über Ostdeutschland hinaus kommen werde. Organisatorischer Kristallisationspunkt dieser Forschung war u. a. die Treuhandanstalt, die nach ihrer fingierten Auflösung nach 1994 nicht mehr im wissenschaftlichen Fokus stand.
Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt anhand empirischer Forschungen zu den Nachfolgeorganisationen der Treuhandanstalt auf, welche Entwicklung das Bund-Länder-Verhältnis in diesem Politikbereich seit 1990 genommen hat. Kernpunkt der empirischen Untersuchungen der Arbeit sind die organisatorischen Entwicklungen der BvS, der BVVG sowie der TLG von 1995 bis 2001. Auf der Basis eigener Erhebungen über die Interaktionen (Konsens- und Konfliktmuster) dieser Organisationen mit den ostdeutschen Ländern und Kommunen wird ein Phasenmodell der politisch-wirtschaftlichen Transformation in Ostdeutschland entwickelt.
In Verbindung mit den Analysen von Erklärungs- und Motivationsmustern der empirisch erhobenen Interessen- und Akteurskonstellationen geht die Dissertation abschließend der Frage nach, inwieweit sich die Zentralisierungsthese bestätigt hat und welche Rückschlüsse sich im Hinblick auf wesentliche Eigenschaften des derzeitigen föderalen Systems ziehen lassen. Die Arbeit schließt mit einer Prognose, welche Entwicklungen das föderative System unter dem Einfluß der herausgearbeiteten Logik der politisch-institutionellen Wirkungen des Treuhand-Regimes mutmaßlich zeitigen wird. -
(2002): Promoting organizational innovativeness : Balancing chances and risks of situation control Paper presented at the 2002 Academy of Management Meeting, Denver, Colorado. 2002
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dc.contributor.author: Gebert, Diether; Lanwehr, Ralf