Aktuelle Publikationen
Auf dieser Seite finden Sie die chronologisch geordneten Veröffentlichungen unserer Wissenschaftler*innen aus den vergangenen Jahren.
Aktuelle Publikationen (Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaft)
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(2015): The Politics of portfolio design between coalition arithmetic and policy profile : explaining changes in the jurisdictions of German Ministries, 1957-2013 Politische Vierteljahresschrift. 2015, 56(1), pp. 77-103. ISSN 0720-7182. eISSN 1862-2860. Available under: doi: 10.5771/0032-3470-2015-1-77
Who profits from the redesign of German government portfolios? The article explains jurisdictional changes as the outcome of a distributive conflict during coalition formation in which coalition arithmetic and the policy profiles of the coalition partners are decisive. Statistical analyses of all jurisdictional changes since 1957 show that portfolios held by parties that are quantitatively underrepresented in the cabinet and portfolios of high electoral salience are more likely to gain competencies. Underrepresented partners are compensated by strengthening low-salience portfolios. The politics of portfolio design has broad implications for coalition research, policy studies, and institutional reforms in the executive branch.
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(2015): Communication networks and the transnational spread of ethnic conflict Journal of Peace Research. 2015, 52(3), pp. 285-296. ISSN 0022-3433. eISSN 1460-3578. Available under: doi: 10.1177/0022343314554670
Theories of conflict diffusion have long argued that domestic conflict spreads from one country to others. One set of mechanisms explaining this relies on material flows across borders that incite violence in neighboring countries. Another set of mechanisms, however, relies on informational flows. Information about ongoing violence elsewhere triggers strategic learning and demonstration effects in subnational conflict actors which may increase the likelihood that these actors ultimately resort to violence. While the first set of mechanisms can be – and has been – assessed using spatial proximity to define connections between countries, this article provides a test of the second mechanism by analyzing communication flows. The article shows that the occurrence of ethnic conflict in a country’s main communication partners significantly increases the probability of domestic ethnic violence, and that this effect operates in conjunction with, and is at least as strong as, the spatial contagion effect of conflict in the geographic neighborhood.
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This volume examines the promotion and defense of democracy in the Americas. Taking the Inter-American Democratic Charter (IADC) of 2001 as a baseline, it charts the evolution of the issue over the past decade. Although it considers historical antecedents, the main focus of the book is on key instances of promotion and defense of democracy in the Western hemisphere since the adoption of the IADC. It analyzes democratic norms, norm enforcement mechanisms and how they work in practice. Special attention is paid to the 2009 Honduras coup, the issues raised by it and the debates that surrounded it, as this was the first instance in which a member state was suspended in accordance with the IADC. Three central themes guide the analysis: the nature of challenges to democracy in Latin America; the role of regional organizations as democracy promoters; and the transformation of Inter-American relations. The book unveils the key achievements and limitations of the OAS in the field and will be of great interest to students and scholars of democratization, US-Latin American relations, international relations of Latin-America and international organizations.
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(2015): Using MP statements to explain voting behaviour in the German Bundestag : an individual level test of the competing principals theory Party Politics. 2015, 21(2), pp. 284-294. ISSN 1354-0688. eISSN 1460-3683. Available under: doi: 10.1177/1354068812472584
Why do members of parliament (MPs) vote against the party line? Recent explanations of party unity focus on MPs cross-pressured between the demands of competing principals such as their party and local constituencies. This article tests key claims of the Competing Principals Theory on the level of individual deputies. It relies on public statements in which MPs explain their voting behaviour. This new data source allows more direct insights into MPs’ decision-making calculus than roll-call data. The article develops a theoretical model for the usage of such statements and the position MPs take vis-à-vis the party line. Empirically, it studies Explanations of Votes on all roll-call votes in the 16th German Bundestag (2005–2009) statistically controlling for sample selection. The analyses show among others things that district MPs take more critical stances, party leaders dissent less and government MPs are more likely to voice reservations without defecting in voting.
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Skills and Inequality studies the political economy of education and training reforms from the perspective of comparative welfare state research. Highlighting the striking similarities between established worlds of welfare capitalism and educational regimes, Marius R. Busemeyer argues that both have similar political origins in the postwar period. He identifies partisan politics and different varieties of capitalism as crucial factors shaping choices about the institutional design of post-secondary education. The political and institutional survival of vocational education and training as an alternative to academic higher education is then found to play an important role in the later development of skill regimes. Busemeyer also studies the effects of educational institutions on social inequality and patterns of public opinion on the welfare state and education. Adopting a multi-method approach, this book combines historical case studies of Sweden, Germany, and the United Kingdom with quantitative analyses of macro-level aggregate data and micro-level survey data.
Forschungszusammenhang (Projekte)
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(2015): When Accountability Meets Regulation BIANCULLI, Andrea C., ed., Xavier FERNÁNDEZ-I-MARÍN, ed., Jacint JORDANA, ed.. Accountability and regulatory governance : audiences, controls and responsibilities in the politics of regulation. Basingstoke ; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015, pp. 1-22. ISBN 978-1-137-34957-6. Available under: doi: 10.1057/9781137349583_1
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dc.contributor.author: Jordana, Jacint; Bianculli, Andrea C.; Fernández-i-Marín, Xavier
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(2015): Designing Social Media Strategies and Policies PERRY, James L., ed., Robert K. CHRISTENSEN, ed.. Handbook of public administration. 3rd edition. Hoboken: Jossey Bass, 2015, pp. 456-468. ISBN 978-1-118-77555-4
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While democracies vary in whether they allow their chief executives to dissolve parliament and call an early election, recent theories of the economic consequences of executive-legislative institutions in comparative politics pay little attention to dissolution power. I develop a model to analyze how chief executives' ability to dissolve the legislature influences the stability and level of redistribution. It shows that dissolution power critically alters the ability of partisan chief executives to change policy. The resulting differences in redistributive policy across constitutions with and without dissolution power emerge despite holding constant the number of veto players. They are also not driven by the confidence vote emphasized by existing models. Turning to some observational data from advanced democracies, I find that economic policy is more variable over time where chief executives may schedule early elections. This supports a key implication of the model.
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(2015): Eurokrise und differenzierte Integration Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS. 2015, 56(3), pp. 457-478. ISSN 0032-3470. eISSN 1862-2860. Available under: doi: 10.5771/0032-3470-2015-3-457
Welche Auswirkungen hatte die Eurokrise auf die differenzierte Integration in der Europäischen Union (EU)? Wir unterscheiden zentripetale und zentrifugale Effekte in drei Dimensionen: der Mitgliedschaft im Euro, dem Integrationsgefälle zwischen Mitgliedern und Nicht-Mitgliedern und der Ausstrahlung in andere Politiken. Die neofunktionalistische Pfadabhängigkeitshypothese und die postfunktionalistische Politisierungshypothese sagen unterschiedliche Effekte voraus. Auf der Basis von primär- und sekundärrechtlichen Daten und den jüngeren Rechtsentwicklungen finden wir Bestätigung für die Pfadabhängigkeitshypothese: Die Mitgliedschaft in der Eurozone ist stabil. Allerdings hat sich das Integrationsgefälle zwischen den Euroländern und dem Rest der EU deutlich vergrößert.
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(2015): Hugh Heclo, "Issue Networks and the Executive Establishment" BALLA, Steven J., ed. and others. The Oxford handbook of Classics in public policy and administration. Oxford [u.a.]: Oxford University Press, 2015, pp. 372-382. ISBN 978-0-19-964613-5
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(2015): Sentiment cascades in the 15M movement EPJ Data Science. SpringerOpen. 2015, 4, 6. eISSN 2193-1127. Available under: doi: 10.1140/epjds/s13688-015-0042-4
Recent grassroots movements have suggested that online social networks might play a key role in their organization, as adherents have a fast, many-to-many, communication channel to help coordinate their mobilization. The structure and dynamics of the networks constructed from the digital traces of protesters have been analyzed to some extent recently. However, less effort has been devoted to the analysis of the semantic content of messages exchanged during the protest. Using the data obtained from a microblogging service during the brewing and active phases of the 15M movement in Spain, we perform the first large scale test of theories on collective emotions and social interaction in collective actions. Our findings show that activity and information cascades in the movement are larger in the presence of negative collective emotions and when users express themselves in terms related to social content. At the level of individual participants, our results show that their social integration in the movement, as measured through social network metrics, increases with their level of engagement and of expression of negativity. Our findings show that non-rational factors play a role in the formation and activity of social movements through online media, having important consequences for viral spreading.
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Dieses Buch zeigt, unter welchen Umständen es für deutsche Wähler sinnvoll sein kann, strategisch zu wählen und warum. Anhand formaler theoretischer Analysen identifiziert es die Bedingungen, unter denen es profitabel ist, mit der Erststimme oder mit der Zweitstimme strategisch zu wählen. Das Buch zeigt außerdem, wie strategisches Wählen in der Vergangenheit zur Entstehung von Überhangmandaten geführt hat und warum Anreize zu strategischem Wählen nicht verschwinden werden, selbst wenn wir die Erststimme abschaffen oder die 5% Hürde beseitigen. Es trägt so zu einem besseren Verständnis des deutschen Wahlrechts und einer informierten Diskussion über die Konsequenzen von Wahlrechtsänderungen bei.
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(2015): Die schwedische Reichstagswahl vom 14. September 2014 : Regierungswechsel und Regierungskrise im Minderheitsparlamentarismus Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen : ZParl. 2015, 46(3), pp. 494-504. ISSN 0340-1758. eISSN 1862-2534. Available under: doi: 10.5771/0340-1758-2015-3-494
Die Wahl zum schwedischen Reichstag am 14. September 2014 führte einerseits zu einem Regierungswechsel, andererseits bereiteten die Wahlergebnisse auch den Boden für eine Regierungskrise, in der deutlich wurde, vor welchen Herausforderungen der schwedische Minderheitsparlamentarismus steht, wenn es den rechtspopulistischen Schwedendemokraten (SD) gelingt, sich längerfristig als Zünglein an der Waage im vom parteipolitischen Blockwettbewerb geprägten Reichstag zu positionieren.
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(2015): Vorschläge für eine bedarfsorientierte Neuordnung des Finanzausgleichs GEISSLER, René, ed., Felix KNÜPLING, ed., Sabine KROPP, ed., Joachim WIELAND, ed.. Das Teilen beherrschen : Analysen zur Reform des Finanzausgleichs 2019. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2015, pp. 145-167. Schriftenreihe des Europäischen Zentrums für Föderalismus-Forschung (EZFF). 45. ISBN 978-3-8487-1861-0
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(2015): Diversity and Conflict in Teams : A Meta-Analysis 2015 Academy management proceedings. 2015, 14259. ISSN 1543-8643. Available under: doi: 10.5465/AMBPP.2015.14259abstract
Many organizations have seen their workforce become increasingly diverse over the past few decades and a prevalent notion is that this growing diversity gives rise to conflicts within workgroups. However, empirical findings on the association between diversity and conflict in teams are mixed. Therefore, our study provides a comprehensive meta-analysis on the question whether and how diversity and conflict in teams are interrelated. In particular, we examine the associations between different types of diversity (i.e., informational, social category, and value diversity) as well as specific informational and social category diversity attributes (i.e., function, education, organizational tenure, age, gender, ethnicity, nationality, and culture) and task, relationship, and process conflict. Moreover, we analyze the influence of both team context (i.e., team type, team size, and team tenure) and methodological moderators (among them study setting, subjects, and organizational level of analysis). Based on 313 effect sizes from 77 studies comprising 6,446 teams, we find small, positive associations of both informational and value diversity with task conflict, all three types of diversity with relationship conflict, and value diversity with process conflict. In addition, moderator analyses reveal several noteworthy contingencies of the diversity-conflict associations. We discuss our findings and implications for future research.
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(2015): The Abyei dispute between Sudan and South Sudan : The role of arbitration in peace and secession processes MARAUHN, Thilo, ed. and others. Legal Transformation in Northern Africa and the South Sudan. 1 edition. The Hague: Eleven International Publishing, 2015, pp. 141-170. ISBN 978-94-6236-524-7
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The temporal exponential random graph model (TERGM) and the stochastic actor-oriented model (SAOM, e.g., SIENA) are popular models for longitudinal network analysis. We compare these models theoretically, via simulation, and through a real-data example in order to assess their relative strengths and weaknesses. Though one cannot make a general claim about either being superior to the other across specifications, we find that the more restrictive assumptions of the SAOM must be met exactly in order for it to perform comparably to the TERGM. Otherwise, we find that the TERGM outperforms the SAOM in out-of-sample prediction by substantial margins.
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The end of armed conflict presents an array of complex challenges for those working to develop a lasting peace. It can be relatively simple to conceptualize the importance of negotiations, troop deployments, and peace accords when seeking to end violence and achieve cold peace. Much more difficult is the process of working toward long-term peace, or warm peace which involves the complex task of rebuilding society, healing the wounds of war, and creating the conditions necessary for a sustainable peace.
The changes in the international system and the nature of contemporary conflict, including global terrorism, have fragmented the traditional boundaries that defined the post-World War II system. In this senario, peace is not just the process of restoring relationships between states, but also the mainstream to properly address specific related issues such as physical infrastructures, political systems, economic markets, social tissues and psychological wounds at the sub-national, even individual level.
Peace must also address the global and regional dynamics that have an impact on the conflict: global terrorism is often founded in the perceived antagonism or incompatibility between religious and/or cultural values that span across borders. Some have argued that the inequities of the global economic system pushes the disenfranchised to terrorism and violence. The focus on democratic reforms, Human Rights, and free trade, key elements of U.S. foreign policy, is one way of addressing peace at the sub-national level while recognizing the global dimensions of the sources of conflict, but at the same time, failure or disruption of the process can have a negative impact on the regional stability of the region.
Ten years from the signature of the Dayton Agreement and thirteen years after the end of the conflict in Mozambique, the first “complex emergency” in history, reflection on the process of post-war reconstruction and peace-building in the wake of international peace missions has become a necessity.
The crises of the last fifteen years clearly show the enormous human, physical and political costs of stabilisation and reconstruction processes, borne by the International Community and especially by the war-affected people. The most recent one in Syria brings into sharp focus such consequences, while we are still waiting for consistency over the last 12 years effort spent by the International Community and the International NATO Coalition Forces in rebuilding the political, economic, social and security structure of the post-anti-terror war in Afghanistan.
The reconstruction process aims both towards physical reconstruction and the promotion of regional and national capacity for conflict resolution, and frequently, these initiatives lack a strategy. Accordingly, a detailed evaluation of post-war reconstruction should identify a methodological framework to analyse the impact of peace and conflict in the affected countries, taking into consideration the “complexity” of the context.
In many cases, donors and the international cooperation agencies neglect and minimize the lessons learned and the principles of development co-operation: ownership, participation, and sustainability.
The present study is based on three assumptions. Firstly, that in order to promote peaceful co-existence, post-war reconstruction requires a time frame which cannot be precisely determined, as it begins before the peace process starts and may need decades to be
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completed. Secondly, that reconstruction needs to incorporate a strategic view of development in its various aspects: economic, social and political. Thirdly, that the analysis of the selected crises – Afghanistan, Kosovo, and Mozambique – might highlight new trends in peace keeping operations both as regards the humanitarian action and the reconstruction process.
Reconstruction is carried out, at the field level, by a wide variety of actors, including: the war-affected community, which often does not guide or chose the modality of the reconstruction; civilian and military operators; combatants and merchants; politicians and humanitarian operators. In addition, it is indispensable to identify a suitable methodology in order to analyse the impact of peace and conflict on the reconstruction process.
This study seeks to contribute to the identification of the approaches and means necessary to promote a positive outcome for the reconstruction processes, therefore trying to providing valuable lessons in the light of the recent international trends on the issue of security.
This study undertook a comprehensive analysis of the relevant post-war reconciliation processes, assessing in particular the role of civil society organizations in the reconciliation and reconstruction process, the role of the international political process and the demobilization initiatives, including the reconstitution of police and army forces, focusing also on actions taken in favour of individuals exposed to war zone-related traumatic events and at risk for a variety of psychological problems, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Some relevant reconstruction processes issues which have been took into account to define the context of the investigation, are directly related to the key role played by the military mandate and the rules of engagement as they have a strong impact on post-conflict reconstruction, the role of civil society in the reconciliation processes within local communities and its commitment towards sustainable development processes, and the need to analyse the links between the negotiation process among the parties at conflict, and the post-conflict reconstruction, as they interact and influence each other.
One or more conditions contribute to determining an uncertain and ambiguous context, in the so called transitional grey zone, while others contribute towards the creation of structural stability. This research pointed its interest to analyse some of these conditions that can be divided into four groups: Peace process, Governance and democratisation, Reconstruction and Security, and this in order to better understand the overall context, its dynamics, and determine possible outcomes and Lessons Learned, taking into account that the reconstruction process can be affected by several factors: the financial resources made available by donors, the coherence of the long term policies applied and the adoption of methodologies appropriate to the single context.