Aktuelle Publikationen
Auf dieser Seite finden Sie die chronologisch geordneten Veröffentlichungen unserer Wissenschaftler*innen aus den vergangenen Jahren.
Aktuelle Publikationen (Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaft)
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(2015): Natural trading partners? : A Public Opinion Perspective on Preferential Trade Agreements DÜR, Andreas, ed., Manfred ELSIG, ed.. Trade Cooperation : The Purpose, Design and Effects of Preferential Trade Agreements. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015, pp. 113-133. ISBN 978-1-107-44467-6. Available under: doi: 10.1017/CBO9781316018453.007
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dc.contributor.author: Umaña, Víctor; Bernauer, Thomas
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(2015): Der Staat lässt die (rechtlichen) Hüllen fallen : Die Liberalisierung pornografischer Materialien KNILL, Christoph, ed. and others. Moralpolitik in Deutschland : staatliche Regulierung gesellschaftlicher Wertekonflikte im historischen und internationalen Vergleich. Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2015, pp. 165-183. ISBN 978-3-658-05127-3. Available under: doi: 10.1007/978-3-658-05128-0_9
Die Regulierung von Pornografie in Deutschland unterlag in den vergangenen 50 Jahren einem umfassenden Wandel. Zu Beginn der 1960er Jahre herrschte zunächst ein Totalverbot pornografischer Materialien. In der Folgezeit erfuhr das Thema eine hohe Politisierung. Ausschlaggebend waren sozio-kulturelle Wandlungsprozesse wie die sexuelle Revolution, der einsetzende Wertewandel bezüglich sittlich-moralischer Grundwerte und die voranschreitende Säkularisierung der Gesellschaft, aber auch wachsender wirtschaftlicher Problemdruck, zunehmende Kritik juristischer Fachkreise sowie die Existenz einer säkular-religiösen Konfliktlinie im Parteiensystem. Als Reaktion darauf startete die sozialliberale Koalition eine Revision des Sexualstrafrechtes, in deren Rahmen Erwachsenenpornografie Anfang der 1970er Jahre legalisiert wurde. Damit wurde Deutschland international neben Dänemark und Schweden zu einem Vorreiter bei der Liberalisierung pornografischer Materialien. Die hohe Entscheidungsfähigkeit des politischen Systems in diesem Teilbereich moralpolitischer Regulierung lässt sich im Wesentlichen auf die Schwäche gesellschaftlicher Vetospieler wie die Kirchen und die Frauenbewegung, auf die interne Kohärenz des Regierungslagers und das Fehlen parteipolitischer Vetospieler sowie das geringe elektorale Risiko, dem sich die Regierungsparteien gegenüber sahen, zurückführen.
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(2015): Transparent Estimation of Internet Penetration from Network Observations MIRKOVIC, Jelena, ed., Yong LIU, ed.. Passive and Active Measurement : 16th International Conference, PAM 2015, New York, NY, USA, March 19-20, 2015, Proceedings. Cham: Springer, 2015, pp. 220-231. Lecture Notes in Computer Science. 8995. ISSN 0302-9743. eISSN 1611-3349. ISBN 978-3-319-15508-1. Available under: doi: 10.1007/978-3-319-15509-8_17
The International Telecommunications Union (ITU) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) provide Internet penetration statistics, which are collected from official national sources worldwide, and they are widely used to inform policy-makers and researchers about the expansion of digital technologies. Nevertheless, these statistics are derived with methodologies, which are often opaque and inconsistent across countries. Even more, regimes may have incentives to misreport such statistics. In this work, we make a first attempt to evaluate the consistency of the ITU/OECD Internet penetration statistics with an alternative indicator of Internet penetration, which can be measured with a consistent methodology across countries and relies on public data. We compare, in particular, the ITU and OECD statistics with measurements of the used IPv4 address space across countries and find very high correlations ranging between 0.898 and 0.978 for all years between 2006 and 2010. We also observe that the level of consistency drops for less developed or less democratic countries. Besides, we show that measurements of the used IPv4 address space can serve as a more timely Internet penetration indicator with sub-national granularity, using two large developing countries as case studies.
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(2015): Bildungspolitik WENZELBURGER, Georg, ed. and others. Handbuch Policy-Forschung. Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2015, pp. 615-640. ISBN 978-3-658-01967-9. Available under: doi: 10.1007/978-3-658-01968-6_24
Im Vergleich zu anderen Politikfeldern war die Bildungspolitik in der politikwissenschaftlichen Policy-Analyse lange Zeit ein „vernachlässigtes Feld“ (Jakobi et al. 2010; vgl. auch Busemeyer und Nikolai 2010; Busemeyer und Trampusch 2011; Iversen und Stephens 2008). Nachbardisziplinen wie die Soziologie, die Ökonomie, aber natürlich auch die vergleichenden Erziehungswissenschaften haben den Untersuchungsgegenstand hingegen viel intensiver erforscht (vgl. für einen deutschsprachigen Überblick über das gesamte Feld der Bildungsforschung Tippelt und Schmidt 2010). In den letzten Jahren ist es allerdings zu einem sprunghaften Anstieg der Zahl der politikwissenschaftlichen Beiträge zur Bildungsforschung gekommen, sodass nun die These von der Vernachlässigung dieses Politikfeldes deutlich relativiert werden muss.
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(2015): Gewaltfreie Widerstandsbewegungen und ihre Erfolgsbedingungen : eine Übersicht der neueren englischsprachigen Forschungsliteratur Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. 2015, 4(1), pp. 115-146. ISSN 2192-1741. Available under: doi: 10.5771/2192-1741-2015-1-115
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dc.contributor.author: Destradi, Sandra
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dc.contributor.editor: Birnbaum, Maria; Lee, Lois; Stoeckl, Kristina
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(2015): Predispositions, Mission-Specific Beliefs, and Public Support for Military Missions : The Case of the German ISAF Mission in Afghanistan International Journal of Public Opinion Research. Oxford University Press. 2015, 27(1), pp. 90-110. ISSN 0954-2892. eISSN 1471-6909. Available under: doi: 10.1093/ijpor/edu013
This article analyses the nexus of public attitudes toward military missions abroad, specific beliefs about the respective missions, and political predispositions. While some studies have argued that specific beliefs such as success expectations are the most important explanatory factors of attitudes, others have stressed the role of party-related predispositions in shaping both beliefs and attitudes. Using the case of German citizens’ attitudes toward the German participation in the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan, we argue that scope conditions determine the relative merit of these perspectives. With data from a representative survey conducted in 2010 we show that in this late stage of the military mission, success expectations had a substantial effect on German citizens’ mission support that was not merely mediating the influence of predispositions. At the same time, foreign policy predispositions also had a substantial impact on mission support, while party identifications had only minor effects. We discuss the more general implications of these results for statements on the relative importance of predispositions and specific beliefs as explanatory factors in public opinion formation on the use of military force.
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(2015): Armed Group Structure and Violence in Civil Wars : the Organizational Dynamics of Civilian Killing
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(2015): Age Diversity and Age Climate in the Workplace BAL, P. Matthijs, ed. and others. Aging workers and the employee-employer relationship. Cham: Springer, 2015, pp. 33-55. ISBN 978-3-319-08006-2. Available under: doi: 10.1007/978-3-319-08007-9_3
Raising levels of age diversity are a corporate reality in most organizations today. Unfortunately, the effects of age diversity on various organizational outcomes including its effect on the employment relationship are not yet fully understood. This chapter strives to provide a theoretical and empirical synopsis of relevant literature in this field. First, various theoretical frameworks are discussed to explain both positive and negative effects of age diversity. These include cognitive resource models of variation as well as processes related to similarity-attraction, social identity, career timetables and prototype matching, as well as age-based faultlines. Second, a structured review is conducted which summarizes empirical findings on the effects of age diversity at different organization levels and with regard to various outcomes including performance, innovation, communication, discrimination, conflict, and turnover. Third, potential moderators of the age diversity-outcome relationship are discussed which include demographic and task characteristics, team processes, leadership behavior, age stereotypes, HR and diversity management practices, as well as diversity mindsets and age-diversity climate. The chapter concludes with an outline for future research in this important area of organizational behavior.
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This report is an assessment of the programme "Lernen vor Ort" [LvO – "Learning Locally"] initiated by the German federal government in order to support the development of local governance structures in education. LvO ran between 2009 and 2014 in about 40 participating local governments, which were chosen in a competitive process. It aimed at promoting cooperation between local governments and civil society stakeholders, creating sustainable structures in educational monitoring, management and consulting as well as improving local capacities in knowledge management. Besides providing important background information on the German education system and the design of the LvO programme, this study engages in five detailed case studies of the implementation of the LvO programme in different local authorities. These studies are mainly based on approximately 90 interviews with local and national experts, and stakeholders. The main findings are that LvO can be regarded as a success due to the fact that it had a lasting and probably sustainable impact in the cases studied in this report, in particular with regard to those structures that produce concrete and visible outputs, such as educational monitoring. The case studies also reveal a number of local factors that influence the relative effectiveness of the implementation of the programme. Political leadership and support from the head of the local government are crucial, in particular during critical situations during the implementation. Furthermore, the impact of the programme was particularly positive, when the process of local implementation was characterised by clear communication strategies, broad stakeholder involvement in governing bodies and the implementation of concrete goals and projects. However, relative success also depended on important background factors such as local socio-economic conditions as well as financial and administrative capacities, which could not be adressed directly by the programme’s goals. The report concludes with some general recommendations and lessons learned of relevance for other countries.
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(2015): Varieties of Accountability Mechanisms in Regulatory Agencies BIANCULLI, Andrea C., ed., Xavier FERNÁNDEZ-I-MARÍN, ed., Jacint JORDANA, ed.. Accountability and regulatory governance : audiences, controls and responsibilities in the politics of regulation. Basingstoke ; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015, pp. 23-50. ISBN 978-1-137-34957-6. Available under: doi: 10.1057/9781137349583_2
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dc.contributor.author: Fernández-i-Marín, Xavier; Jordana, Jacint; Bianculli, Andrea C.
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(2015): Stability First, Development Second, Democracy Third : The European Union's Policy towards the Post-Conflict Western Balkans, 1991-2010 Europe-Asia Studies. 2015, 67(6), pp. 916-947. ISSN 0966-8136. eISSN 1465-3427. Available under: doi: 10.1080/09668136.2015.1055237
This article assesses total EU financial flows towards the Western Balkans between 1991 and 2010. It shows that, in the short term, the majority of support has been allocated to humanitarian assistance and socio-economic development. Although the EU has declared its interest in democracy promotion, democracy assistance ranks only third on the list of its financial expenditures in the Western Balkans. Therefore, although EU financial aid is consistent with official EU programmes, it is inadequate in the post-conflict context of the EU candidate and potential candidate countries that require support for democratisation.
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(2015): Koalitionsbildung nach der Bundestagswahl 2013 : Parteien im Spannungsfeld zwischen Ämter-, Politik- und Stimmenmotivation KORTE, Karl-Rudolf, ed.. Die Bundestagswahl 2013 : Analysen der Wahl-, Parteien-, Kommunikations- und Regierungsforschung. Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2015, pp. 457-484. ISBN 978-3-658-02914-2. Available under: doi: 10.1007/978-3-658-02915-9_20
Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht das Zusammenspiel verschiedener Motivationstypen von Parteien bei der Koalitionsbildung nach der Bundestagswahl 2013. Wir erweitern hierfür bisherige formale Theorien, die Parteien als Ämter- und politikmotiviert konzeptualisieren, um eine Komponente der Stimmenmotivation. Ergebnisse sind, dass nicht die Große Koalition aus CDU/CSU und SPD, die tatsÄchlich gebildet wurde, sondern ein rot-rot-grünes Bündnis diejenige Koalition ist, bei der alle an ihr beteiligten Parteien ihre Motivationen am besten erfüllt sehen sollten. Richtet man den Blick auf mögliche zukünftige Konstellationen, in denen die Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) oder die Piratenpartei eine Rolle spielen könnten, so besitzt die AfD das grundsÄtzliche Potenzial, die FDP als Koalitionspartner der CDU/CSU abzulösen. Die Piraten sollten Interesse an einer gemeinsamen Regierung mit SPD und Grünen besitzen, nicht aber an einer Koalition mit der Union.
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(2015): Aufbruch oder Stillstand in der Berufsbildungspolitik? : Die neue Allianz für Aus- und Weiterbildung
Im Dezember 2014 wurde von Vertretern des Bundes, der Länder, der Wirtschaft und der Gewerkschaften die neue „Allianz für Aus- und Weiterbildung“ ins Leben gerufen. Die Allianz stellt einen signifikanten Fortschritt gegenüber den bisherigen Ausbildungspakten dar, nicht nur, weil endlich auch Gewerkschaftsvertreter beteiligt sind, sondern auch, weil die Allianz neue Ansätze in der Ausbildungspolitik fördern will, wie zum Beispiel die „assistierte Ausbildung“. Dennoch hat das Steuerungsmodell der „Allianz“ auch Nachteile und kann notwendige strukturelle Reformen im deutschen Berufsbildungssystem
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International institutions do matter, both theoretically and empirically, to cooperation in world politics. In line with recent progress of liberalism and institutionalism on the plausible roles of international institutions in shaping domestic interactions, at least two questions need to be answered. Are international institutions like GATT/WTO reliable in promoting domestic cooperation and reducing internal conflicts? What kinds of roles can these “secondary rules” in international politics play in the domestic arena?
In order to answer these questions, this dissertation aims to depict a more elaborate image between the dynamics at international level and the outcomes at domestic level. It tries to bridge the theoretical divide between international institutions as macro structures with the interactive behaviors of domestic actors as micro indicators. It also attempts to integrate key elements of international relations theories from rationalist and constructive approaches in explaining this long and sophisticated causal link.
With the aim of examining the effects of international institutions on domestic actors’ behavior choices among their interactions, it builds an integral theoretical framework and employs Contest Success Function (CSF) to design mathematical models from both structural and processual perspectives. Game-theoretical calculation and data simulation are applied to explore the propositions of the mathematical models. After that, two empirical tests are conducted to measure the effects of international trade institutions (GATT/WTO) on domestic political conflicts by applying statistical methods including logit regression, regression discontinuity design (RDD), and propensity score matching (PSM), etc.
After the introduction of research questions and the literature review on the causal link of diverse actors and various issues across different levels, it goes beyond “two-level games” and constructs a “two-plus-level model” in Chapter 2 by disaggregating international institutions, operationalizing the black-box of state actor, and applying CSF as the essence of the theoretical framework and models. It describes key parameters and causal mechanisms of international institutions posing impacts on domestic groups that may select different behaviors during their own interaction towards cooperation or conflicts. In addition to structural explanation, this dissertation regards the influence of international institutions as a 4-stage process both by itself and by the relational interaction between international institutions and given state actors. The process perspective further differentiates the roles of key elements of international institutions, i.e. rules and/versus norms, between exogenous phases and endogenous phases.
Subsequently, the effects of international institutions on domestic actors’ behaviors and interaction are modeled from both structural and process perspectives on the basis of CSF. Chapter 3 provides three sets of methods to solve the equilibriums and explore the impacts of parameters on both actors’ expected payoffs from conflict and cooperation behaviors, including Nash equilibrium, social norm/custom models, and data simulation. On the one hand, the interplay of international and domestic institutions is confirmed to be crucial in determining the interaction behaviors of domestic actors by Nash equilibrium solutions in a symmetric circumstance with complete information. After the norms of international institutions are internalized, they would update the institutional effectiveness, affect the success probability, increase the moral costs on wrongdoings, and might cause a “snowballing effect” in some situations. Data simulation provides about 27 million observations, which confirms previous findings on institutional interaction and demonstrates the significance of relevant parameters in different configurations. However, the connection between conflict dimension of domestic institutions and provoking aspects of international institutions is further clarified rather than the peace dimension.
In respect to empirical tests in Chapter 4 and Chapter 5, it firstly discusses the relations between international trade institutions and domestic armed conflicts from 1946 to 2009. RDD results show GATT/WTO membership can pacify the risk and frequency of conflict incidence; but the pacifying effects are more significant within a 2-year lead-time and 5-year lagged time according to current data. And by using logit regression, GATT/WTO involvement has a mixed and conditional effect on the incidence of conflict. It implies both membership by itself and recent negotiation rounds with higher liberalization degree have a provoking effect while higher institutionalization degree and long adaptation time have a pacifying effect. PSM is subsequently applied to clarify the causal relation by assigning treatment and non-treatment samples and to extend domestic armed conflicts to more general categories. PSM results indicate GATT/WTO treatment can significantly provoke the frequency of domestic political conflicts while slightly but positively affect the incidence of political violence and societal Major Episodes of Political Violence.
In the end, this dissertation generally summarizes key findings, prescribes some theoretical and policy implications, and then provides some unanswered questions that need further investigation in the future. -
(2015): Position, selective emphasis and framing : How parties deal with a second dimension in competition Party Politics. 2015, 21(6), pp. 839-850. ISSN 1354-0688. eISSN 1460-3683. Available under: doi: 10.1177/1354068815597572
This Special Issue aims to (1) theorise party strategies in multi-dimensional policy spaces; and (2) apply the theory to party competition in multinational democracies characterised by a salient territorial dimension alongside a more established economic dimension. The introductory article brings together recent contributions treating spatial and salience theories as compatible and policy spaces as two-dimensional to propose four party strategies that can be ranked from one- to two-dimensional competitive behaviour: uni-dimensionality, blurring, subsuming, and two- dimensionality. The remaining contributions operationalise these strategies and draw on a variety of data sources ranging from manifestos to parliamentary bill proposals and expert surveys to describe when and explore why parties use these strategies in competition, focusing on patterns of party competition in multinational democracies, selected as typical cases of multi-dimensional competition.
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(2015): Maureen Junker-Kenny: Religion and public reason : a comparison of the positions of John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas and Paul Ricoeur Journal of Religion in Europe. 2015, 8(2), pp. 267-269. ISSN 1874-8910. Available under: doi: 10.1163/18748929-00802005
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(2014): The Long Way From Government Open Data to Mobile Health Apps : Overcoming Institutional Barriers in the US Federal Government JMIR mHealth and uHealth. 2014, 2(4), e58. eISSN 2291-5222. Available under: doi: 10.2196/mhealth.3694
Background: Government agencies in the United States are creating mobile health (mHealth) apps as part of recent policy changes initiated by the White House’s Digital Government Strategy.
Objective: The objective of the study was to understand the institutional and managerial barriers for the implementation of mHealth, as well as the resulting adoption pathways of mHealth.
Methods: This article is based on insights derived from qualitative interview data with 35 public managers in charge of promoting the reuse of open data through Challenge.gov, the platform created to run prizes, challenges, and the vetting and implementation of the winning and vendor-created apps.
Results: The process of designing apps follows three different pathways: (1) entrepreneurs start to see opportunities for mobile apps, and develop either in-house or contract out to already vetted Web design vendors; (2) a top-down policy mandates agencies to adopt at least two customer-facing mobile apps; and (3) the federal government uses a policy instrument called “Prizes and Challenges”, encouraging civic hackers to design health-related mobile apps using open government data from HealthData.gov, in combination with citizen needs. All pathways of the development process incur a set of major obstacles that have to be actively managed before agencies can promote mobile apps on their websites and app stores.
Conclusions: Beyond the cultural paradigm shift to design interactive apps and to open health-related data to the public, the managerial challenges include accessibility, interoperability, security, privacy, and legal concerns using interactive apps tracking citizen. -
(2014): Why and How Civil Defense Militias Emerge : The Case of the Arrow Boys in South Sudan Studies in Conflict & Terrorism. 2014, 37(12), pp. 1039-1057. ISSN 1057-610X. eISSN 1521-0731. Available under: doi: 10.1080/1057610X.2014.962439
This article uses a collective-action framework to study the mobilization of the Arrow Boys (AB), a community defense militia in South Sudan. Drawing on general collective-action explanations, this article argues that the mobilization of the AB was facilitated by two factors: (1) a strong overlap of the fighter's private and the community's public benefit and (2) close social relationships and expectations within the community. The article supports these theoretical claims by, first, examining the scope conditions under which the AB formed and, second, drawing on individual interviews with AB members from Western Equatoria in South Sudan.
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(2014): From Conflict to Consensus? : Elite Integration and Democracy in Ghana Comparative Sociology. 2014, 13(4), pp. 503-530. ISSN 1569-1322. eISSN 1569-1330. Available under: doi: 10.1163/15691330-12341318
The paper takes as its starting point Higley and Burton’s (2006) contention that no liberal democracy has ever evolved without a ‘consensually united elite’ which is structurally integrated and shares some general values. The fact that the evolution of a consensually united elite is a very rare event limits the prospects for the worldwide spread of liberal democracy. Ghana, however, could represent one of these rare cases. This paper looks at if and how an elite consensus on the “rules of the game” has emerged in the country and what the potential threats to this consensus are. It pays special attention to the social composition of elites and their patterns of interaction between elites (horizontal integration) as well as the relationship between elites and the wider population (vertical integration).